http://www.lutte-ouvriere.org/documents/archives/la-revue-lutte-de-classe/serie-actuelle- 1993/venezuela-chavez-allie-des-classes
Venezuela - Chavez "Ally" of the poorer classes of property owners or wall?
President Chávez begins his eighth year as head of Venezuela, as in December there will be a new presidential election, he may extend his term by six years. After pleading for a "capitalism with a human face," he says now supports a "socialism of 21esiècle.
Statements like this earned him the sympathy of the anti-globalization circles and among those at the extreme left, for whom "Chavismo" has taken the place of Castro and the Sandinista movement, out of fashion today. Speaking his socialism, Chávez said that "socialism will Bolivarian, Venezuelan and Latin American" statement seasoned religious expression: "Capitalism is the road to hell, or socialism, for those who want to build the kingdom of god on earth. " Or again: "Among the elements that could define socialism 21esiècle (...) the first characteristic is the moral element. It should start with that, by consciousness, by ethics. Che has written extensively on socialist morality. Whatever the worldview that we have, we must regain the sense ethics of life. What I am saying there is no doubt much of Christianity: "Do you love one another" or "love your neighbor as yourself" In reality it is this: solidarity with the brother, it 's acts in the fight against the demons that capitalism has sown: individualism, selfishness, hatred, privileges. " What
contends this language to the masses of poor countries relative to the cynical brutality of political leaders is one thing. It worth to one who holds this language the admiration of some of the far left judge especially the latter. But where comes the credit appears to have Chavez in the poor masses? What is its policy?
the Past After ten years of military dictatorship (1948-1958), and more, because in nearly fifty years, between 1909 and 1958, the army was directly in power for thirty-five years! Venezuela, in 1958 became a parliamentary democracy based system of the United States, with two bourgeois parties governing alternately: Democratic Action (AD), Social Democratic Party linked to the Socialist International and the main union organization, the Confederation of Venezuelan workers (CTV) and the Organizing Committee for the independent elections (COPEI), training of Christian Democrats linked to the Church. This system, reserved for AD and COPEI, intended to prevent a return of military rule but also the Communist Party, yet at the forefront of the struggle against dictatorship. Economically, SINGLE country in the 18th century cocoa and coffee in the 19th century, Venezuela had become, in 1925, a major oil exporting countries, primarily for the benefit of the United States (it provides today ' Even today 10% of their oil). To feed its budget, the state has always taxed exports and thus dependent on world prices: when they fall, break out the difficulties.
The state revenues increased considerably with the oil crisis which caused the rise in oil prices from 1973 to 1983. For every dollar of oil exported, then fell 80 cents in the treasury of the state. The president of that period, Carlos Pérez (AD), waved the idea of a "Great Venezuela", but the oil wealth did not allow the country out of the dependence of virtual monocropping (it also exported iron ) and this was especially the rule of money easy for the propertied classes and the petty bourgeoisie which gravitated around. Construction rima with corruption. Falling oil prices led the difficulties that would make property owners pay to the poorer classes. A bankrupt system system exploded back Pérez to the presidency in 1989. He had to his credit the nationalization of oil and iron, in 1976, and his promise to keep government intervention in the economy. In reality, nationalized oil company had transformed into a multinational company created subsidiaries abroad, such as Citgo gas stations in the United States, to repatriate the least money possible. For every dollar exported, the State recovered more than 20 cents, resulting in an increased state debt and growing poverty in the poorer classes.
Pressed by the IMF (International Monetary Fund) to reduce this debt, Pérez privatization almost everything and abolished price controls. The public rates and augmented from 30 to 100%. This sparked five days of riots in February 1989, called the Caracazo and that affected the country's major cities. Population pillaged supermarkets. To suppress Perez mobilized the National Guard, but also the army. The government admitted 287 deaths but there have been between 1000 and 1500, and thousands injured. Pérez pursuing most of his political strikes and demonstrations multiplied. Policies do now order, that invited the army to return to the front of the stage. Two military coups
February 4, 1992 The first coup took place. The rebel officers spoke of "building a real nation" and denounced "the government's inability to fight corruption." The military wanted, they said, calling the population to rise, failed to Caracas. They gave "At the moment," according to the statement of Lieutenant Colonel Hugo Chávez of paratroopers who, at age 38, appeared for the first time publicly, at the head of his "Bolivarian Revolutionary Movement (MBR), created ten years before. He found himself in prison, but was now known to all. On November 27, 1992, the MBR launched another coup, which was cut short as well. 1200 troops, including 500 officers, were arrested. But the following year, Perez gave up the presidency, following a scandal revealing its corruption. His successor, Rafael Caldera, former leader of COPEI, was elected by attending "independent" party. Elected, he pursued the policy but released Pérez Chávez.
The explosion of misery
Privatization had ravaged society. Between 1988 and 1997 the number of available jobs decreased 15%. In 1999, the number of workers living on odd jobs, working in black, represented 53% of all jobs, against 34.5% in 1980. The minimum wage has fallen by two thirds of its value between 1978 and 1994. Social budgets of the state were decreased by 40% between 1980 and 1994, but as education and housing to 70%! Between 1984 and 1995, the population living below the poverty line climbed from 36 to 66%. The income share of 40% "less fortunate" was reduced from 19.1% to 14.7%, while the richest increased from 21.8 to 32.8%. In 1987, the richest 5% had incomes 42 times higher than the 5% poorest. Ten years later, they were higher 53fois! This general deterioration also weighed on the Confederation of Venezuelan Workers (CTV), which did not opposed to privatization. Between 1988 and 1995 the percentage of unionized halved, falling to 13.5%. There were, however, militant workers, those that sought to recruit activists Causa R (Radical Cause) organization under the Communist Party in the seventies, which was inspired by the Workers Party of Brazil. Activism in some factories in the slums, gained them some electoral success when they presented themselves for election in the early ninety. They had to rally for Chavez subsequently. Discontent in army circles army leaders were more supportive of the system that Parliament appointed the senior officers. Corruption and cronyism were multiplied officer positions : With five times less than the Brazilian army soldiers, Venezuela had 133 general officers in Brazil for 116! By contrast, junior officers from the lower classes were challenging the system. Chávez and his family were the first generation of officers to have a university education. Their managers had encouraged them to maintain contact with civil society. It had politicized.
After creating the MBR in 1982, Chavez was, for example, contacts with former guerrillas like Douglas Bravo, a former member of the Communist Party returned to a more conventional political struggle after years of guerrilla sterile. Chavez's brother was a member of the GRP (Party of the Venezuelan revolution). These links were broken, before the coup, when Bravo understood that Chavez and the military rejected any control by civilians.
Chavez on the road to power
On his release, Chavez launched into the political struggle, seeking to address the poorer classes, mostly mestizo like him, but also black or Indian. He exalted the national fiber by referring to Simon Bolivar, hero of the independence of Venezuela (1830) and its inspiration Simon Rodriguez, but also to Ezequiel Zamora, leader of a movement of peasants against large landowners (1847). Chávez also borrows quotes Jesus, Rousseau, Hugo, Neruda, Guevara, Marx and Trotsky!
He also formed an old politician, Luis Miquilena, experienced in all laborers and experienced business. The latter seconda until 2002. In 1995, the MBR has succeeded in being elected governor, Chavez decided to embark on the presidential campaign. The MBR had to change his name and became the MVR (Fifth Republic Movement, the fourth being that of 1958). For his campaign, he received financial support from insurers, developers and communications companies, but also English banks. He also launched a "Patriotic Pole" associating the MVR to small parties, as Causa R had benefited from the wear of the two traditional parties.
As we approach the presidential election, fearing a success of Chavez, leaders of traditional parties decided to test the electorate in advancing local elections. The MVR Chávez with good results, AD and COPEI finally presented a single candidate, but that did not stop Chavez to win by 56% of the vote against 39.9% its rival. Six years after his failed coup, the coup was a former officer elected by universal suffrage. The refusal of his opponents of any reform of the Constitution had widened the gap. This proposal resonated with voters in his neighborhoods as a sign of hope. An anti-imperialism
limited
The Venezuelan president denounced, sometimes in provocative foreign policy of the United States. Just came to power in 1999, Chavez has toured the oil-producing countries. On this occasion, he met both monarchs of the Persian Gulf Libya's Gaddafi and Saddam Hussein. He also established links with Castro. Subsequently, like many others, he denounced the U.S. intervention in Afghanistan and Iraq.
The United States denounced the "wrong crowd" of Chavez, accusing him also to support the FARC guerrillas in Colombia, since the Venezuelan army is no longer involved in the repression of Colombian guerrillas. Washington accuses him his economic alliance with Castro, ALBA, which allows Cuba to escape in part to the U.S. embargo and by placing all the oil it needs. In return, Venezuela supported the Cuban health and education.
Chávez is also seeking to establish business alliances with other South American leaders, which displeases Washington. Venezuela has joined Mercosur, the common market that meets Brazil, Argentina, Paraguay and Uruguay since 1991. For their part, the United States tries to promote, so far without success, the FTAA, the economic alliance that would develop throughout the Americas. But some statements
Chavez, that it would be easier to agree with U.S. President Democrat, indicated he is not looking at any price break with the United States. He even praised the Alliance for Progress, initiated by John F. Kennedy in the Sixties, and intended at the time to prevent the contagion of the Cuban revolution in other South American states!
And besides, in its relations with the IMF, Chavez scrupulously fulfill repayment of debts of its predecessors. Similarly, there are conscientious oil supplier companies U.S. oil whose supplies have not been questioned, and whose contracts have been renegotiated without breaking. The only noticeable change, but legitimate, is that these companies must now pay taxes a little more substantial than before. And if Chavez is now offering three states in the United States of cheap oil, he also commended the American trust Chevron-Texaco, at the inauguration of a new platform for gas exploitation in Venezuela, with states United as a "strategic ally".
Chávez position of arbiter
took office in 1999, Chavez short-circuit his opponents in Parliament by launching a referendum for a Constituent Assembly, he won. The voting of the new assembly allowed his "Patriotic Pole" to grab 121 of 131 seats and impose its Constitution. It was now account indigenous minorities and encouraged people to come forward in public life, promoting participatory democracy. It also reaffirms the responsibility of the state in housing, education or health. It granted the right to vote and abolished military Parliament's control over their appointments. The weight of the army came out stronger.
The president's powers as well. It could legislate in any area, after parliamentary approval. To reduce its opponents, the Senate and the public funding of political parties were abolished. This led to new elections in 2000. Chávez had approved by referendum the Constitution, acclaimed to 71%. He pushed his advantage by calling into play all elected positions, including his own. He won the presidential election by 59% against 38%. AD retained twenty members, the COPEI no.
Men Chavez, military VCR or civilian, to allocate seats but the state apparatus remained unchanged. He went even as budget minister the incumbent until 1998. The new president had no intention to attack the dictatorship of money by attacking the private ownership of means of production, including the right "inalienable right" was reaffirmed in its Constitution. This did not prevent the opposition, the wealthy, politicians fallen, the leaders of oil, the trade union bureaucracy, to work together to try to regain power. Unable to speak much to the Assembly, it would by now the mass media, mostly in his hands. Three times
acclaimed in two years, Chavez, like other Latin American leaders before him, Perón Argentine example, found himself in the position of arbitrator between the political game of one side of imperialism, particularly North America, and the privileged, and the other the poorer classes and their aspirations for a more dignified life. To keep the controls, the new president relied on the army and intended to make concessions to the poor masses.
Although it hardly means disposât financial affairs on his arrival, his predecessors having emptied the boxes and the price of a barrel of oil is at its lowest, it establishes a direct relationship with the public to explain what he did or not. Thus was launched the television program "Alo Presidente", where he meets each week to questions from viewers, which helped to strengthen its hold personal.
the early days, he sought to restore the role of social protection of the state. Its Constitution took into account the mothers who are single parents or workers black, integrated with Social Security. He distributed food and tried to revive education, health and housing. This was the "Plan Bolivar 2000": 40000 soldiers were mobilized on health, public transport and housing. For example, Chávez decided to abolish school fees that prevent access to the school for students in poor neighborhoods. He soon had to accommodate 600,000 students. Had no money to build new schools, it freed space in the barracks and even in the presidential palace. And he asked retired teachers to resume the service.
Subsequently, it builds the links created. In July 2001, he revived the Revolutionary Bolivarian Movement (MBR) and invited people to create "Bolivarian Circles," which recall the "building blocks" of Argentine Peronism. It pulses as many associations to uphold various interests, those of retirees to those street vendors.
An attempt to land reform
In November 2001, Chávez, with the approval of MPs, promulgated 49 laws, including a "law on earth."
radical agrarian reform would actually necessary in a country where 5% of landowners control 80% of the earth, where eight families share land equivalent in area to eighteen times that of the capital Caracas! These owners, who have always been pocketing the aid of the State, give priority to export to the great trusts of the agro-food, and make fun of that land remains fallow, while the rural population, 3.5 million People over 25 million inhabitants, 86% lived in poverty. How could it be otherwise when 75% of farmers are shared only 6% of the land?
As a result, 70% of food are imported. Chavez's idea was to make productive land abandonment and putting to work the landless. The proposed land reform must begin with a large inventory of land ownership, some of which were simply stolen from the state by large landowners. It also provided for taxing for inactivity, the owners using no more than 80% of their land.
The mere announcement of this agrarian law, because of the tax plan, is sufficient to trigger anger among landowners, once backed by the leaders of the national oil company, supported by the union bureaucracy of the CTV which launched a strike at the end of 2001. This agitation would lead to the coup of April 2002.
population opposed to the privileged
From 13 to 14 April 2002, Venezuela was in fact witnessed a turnaround. After a week of turmoil of his opponents, Chavez was deposed by a coup led by the president of Fedecamaras (the employers' confederation), Pedro Carmona. The United States congratulated themselves rather quickly this' new triumph of democracy "because, forty-seven hours later, Chavez was back to the head of state by the troops and a massive mobilization of the poorest in the capital.
This dismal failure did not discourage the opposition that launched a second coup in December 2002, the leaders of the union confederation CTV were artisans. They launched another strike in the oil sector to cut funding to the scheme in crippling the production of crude oil, which they managed to achieve initially, reducing to zero means the system of their opponent.
This boycott spread to the merchant marine, banking, trade and part Administration. It would continue in early 2003 and last for two months. To train the staff of their companies in a strike which aimed to bring down Chavez, employers paid with the strike days! But, again, Chavez received the support of the "Bolivarian Circles" and militant workers opposed to the bureaucracy of the CTV. With the help of retired oil company, it was revived, which foiled the coup.
On two occasions, in dramatic circumstances, Chavez had the support of the popular classes mobilized in large numbers, and across the country. Because even if Chavez had not yet changed the daily lives of the poor, it was clear that the return of the supporters of the old system that did not promise more misery. But it is also notable that each of the abortive maneuvers of the opposition, Chavez has used his credit in the masses not to continue and grow the advantage of their mobilization, but rather to curb household and the opposition.
limited measures for classes
A priority for Chavez was to restore the oil revenues of the state. For this, the Ministry of Energy and Mines was to resume its prerogatives on the oil company, PDVSA (Petro-leos de Venezuela SA). Unlike what happened in previous years, Venezuela became again active in OPEC, the International Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries. The successive defeats of the opposition eventually strengthen the position of the Chavez administration to lead this industry. In 2003, to regain control, she disbanded 18,000 of 42,000 employees of the oil company, 80% of executives. In 2004, the same official Chavez was simultaneously positions of Minister of Energy and Petroleum and president of PDVSA.
If, on arrival to the business of Chavez, the oil price was the lowest since 2001 he has continued to increase from $ 20 a barrel 45dollars now. At the same time, the government treasury is again flourishing and Chavez was able to continue the action he intends to make towards the poorer classes.
Agrarian reform actually began in 2003. In practice, land redistribution has affected mostly those of the state. An initial report indicated, for this first year, 60,000 families had shared one million hectares. Land distribution is also accompanied by access to micro-credit bank, delivery of machinery and farm tools to cooperatives, technical assistance, construction of silos and marketing.
It was especially slow and limited as it faced resistance from landowners, who did not hesitate to kill their mercenaries by over 120 farmers, and that local authorities, often complicit owners.
Also in 2003, several "specialized missions "Have been implemented. They relate to literacy (1.25 million adults have learned to read and write), education (3,000 schools built in rural areas, the number of children enrolled has increased by 25%), medicine neighborhood (with support from thousands of Cuban doctors, sports education and sport at the top level (again with help from Cuba).
60% of the population have benefited from free health care. There were mass vaccination campaigns in the poorest sectors. Venezuela has reduced its infant mortality rate. A state budget can provide food at low prices to the poorest families. 70,000 cooperatives have emerged. And 5000 committees legalize the situation of those who lived far in slums without titles. Credits, yet insufficient, were made available to repair existing housing or build new ones. All this is appreciated by the public, but retains a limited one: the representatives of Saudi Arabia, no one would call progressives, came to study the functioning of district health centers to explore the possibility of adapting for their country. New offensive
haves ...
After the successive failures of his attempts to remove Chavez by sedition, attempts were received rather the opposite effect since every time the credit Chávez was released expanded, the opposition turned to the electoral arena.
grouped in a "Democratic Coordination", she tried to get a referendum on the topic: "Should we dismiss Chavez? , "Which it proposed to answer" yes. " The Constitution actually Chavez offered this possibility. For this, he had collected some amount of signatures in the population. The opposition launched into this collection, explaining that ever Venezuelan president would accept.
To the chagrin of the latter, Chávez took the challenge and the referendum took place on August 15, 2004. It was another rout of the opposition. The electorate was mobilized beyond the usual participation. With five million "no," Chavez improved two million votes his presidential score. In the elections of governors and mayors who followed, "Chavez" won 19 of 21 governorships and a majority of town halls. It only remained for Opposition to cry voter fraud, although observers sent by Washington to have validated the results.
But after the referendum, Chavez has not sought to deepen his victory. On the one hand, he speaks in the direction of the poorer classes of "deepening process" and "revolution within the revolution", but also numerous meetings with representatives of the oligarchy, explaining that he sought the contact with the "serious opposition" to strengthen "national unity". These contacts led to the removal by Members of tax on corporate assets and the creation of a guarantee fund for loans to owners of private banking or tax refunds for patrons of the export sector.
Furthermore, powerful groups-group multimedia Gustavo Cisneros, who had orchestrated the coup of 2002, and the food group Polar Lorenzo Mendoza obtained agreements with Brazil, the result of partnerships economic relations with neighboring countries. Similarly, Chavez has helped the Ecuadorian State to "put an end to the drastic reduction in oil production "Caused by strikes in this country by delivering oil. Big business has got the message. In which Chavez said: "It is not our purpose to take private property," the spokesman of big business echoed: "In Venezuela, there is no threat against private property."
... And new gestures towards the popular classes
Prompts Chávez to the people to find a solution to its problems have also borne some fruit in the working class. Trade unionists who opposed the bureaucracy of the CTV, which had supported Chavez at the time of the boycott of the oil company, ended up organizing a new trade union confederation, the UNT (National Union of Workers). The new plant has a certain pressure so that wages keep pace with inflation. Lately, it also mobilizes the business recovery abandoned by their owners, a new initiative scheme inspired by the "times" in Argentina, where companies abandoned by their bosses were transformed into cooperatives.
In January 2005 a new decree to implement land reform has emerged. Chavez speaks of now " war on large estates ", synonymous with high property unproductive, to say that he now intends to address the land unproductive landowners. But the distribution of these lands is limited. It encounters resistance from the landowners as local authorities, accomplices of the wealthy. In 2005, land reform has expanded to 120,000 families and two million hectares, about thirty million untapped. We stay away from the Cuban agrarian reform, an island eight times smaller than Venezuela, had received 1.2 million hectares in the first year.
In February-March 2005, various peasant movements have sent the Venezuelan president a few of their grievances on the agrarian law: "She was not implemented as intended, among other things because of the bad actions of officials of the central state , weaknesses of the law itself, the lack of space for the peasant movement to effectively participate in proceedings under the law. " Or: "The law does expropriate the land over 5000 acres undeveloped. Farmers have criticized the National Land Institute (INTI), accusing his "slow and bureaucratic. The landowners transform the whole wood in the ground before the INTI makes a decision. In addition, the Institute has distributed seeds defective. " Many farmers who have land taken directly complained about "the fact that local judges are on the side of the large landowners and they use local police to chase them."
For President Chavez of the Finance Committee, "our socialist revolution of character does not try to remove private property, but only to get it coexists with the new forms of social production." Yes, but his "private property" or rather not hear the large landowners "cohabit" with any attempt whatsoever that may limit their prerogatives. The haves
therefore continue to take advantage of everything, including social policy, as the government borrows from the bank. Chavez has questioned whether many of the tax, but it was never intended to re-nationalize the banking system. And we heard the voice of the private bank to declare that "the private bank had made in 2004 increased its profits by 42% compared to capital set in motion, such a benefit exist in no other sector of the country. "
The extreme left and the "Bolivarian revolution"
Therefore the positions of certain currents of the Trotskyist movement, as the LCR or other, as one of the branches from the current ex-British activist constitute a real political contradiction, since they finally invite the masses of workers to continue to maintain illusions about Chávez's action, where it would be better to dispel them.
Thus, on November 17 last, an article in Red, entitled "a revolutionary process," signed by three militants including François Sabado, a member of the leadership of the LCR, was responding to an activist of the league in Red had expressed a more critical view of the action of the Venezuelan president (beyond capitalism "or break up with him", published on 27 October 2005) that his government was a "reformist government therefore" and needed "to learn the dynamics Bolivarian."
At a time when reformist currents at best accompany the protest of workers trying to preserve what has could be acquired in the struggles of the past, without seeking to engage seriously cons cascades attacks the working class is the object, one wonders what the term "reformist result" might mean. Unless it is only to describe the social programs of the Venezuelan State, where it returns to some social protection, albeit at the wrong practice of what is currently where the state seeks everywhere s' rid of it, but in the ancient tradition of the bourgeoisie, for whom the welfare function was to stop the popular protest. The chairman of the parliamentary group said Chavez Nor has another thing in declaring December 26 him that "entrepreneurs can come [to Venezuela] because there is no fear of social upheaval, the poor are helped, and there are security and political stability."
The LCR is not yet to characterize the state of Chávez as a socialist state, perhaps because Chavez himself said that "Venezuela is not a socialist country." The League believes however that "Chavez does not divert the militancy of the masses, it gives them a prima led policy and calls to mobilize against the bureaucracy and patronage, inherited of the former regime or perpetuated by opportunistic and bureaucratic sectors of Chavismo. Let us be careful not to mislead adversary Chavez is now an ally. "
Again, such an approach justifies the bandwagon of those comrades traditional vis-à-vis the nationalist leaders who try to loosen the stranglehold of imperialism, while avoiding the energy of the masses becomes a revolutionary force consistent.
In the same section of Red LCR praised the work of leftists in Venezuela, among which are Trotskyist militants from the bursting Current Morenoite. Upon arrival of Chavez to power, these comrades chose, quite symbolically, to "disband". Subsequently, they re-established a revolutionary organization and participated actively in the construction of the UNT trade union confederation. Since the summer, they congregate in a Party of the Revolution and Socialism (PRS), criticizing certain limits of the "Bolivarian revolution".
Instead of encouraging them to organize themselves apart, the LCR invites them to wait for break with Chavez: "Yes, an organization entirely independent of the bourgeoisie is needed to radicalized the course of the revolution "but" it will not be built at the current stage of the process, exteriority to the Bolivarian revolution, much less a break with the past. " According
LCR, the role of revolutionaries would be to wait why and until when? - To express political aspirations of the proletariat. On the contrary, in a period where the authors of the LCR themselves say that "Venezuelans became convinced that they are indispensable in the transformation of the country, workers and popular movement in Venezuela would, we believe more than ever an organization that helps them to defy their enemies but also of false friends like Chavez.
Then, of course, if the plan was Chavez again threatened by the United States or by a new coup for local property owners, it would be normal for the revolutionary workers to denounce this threat and to oppose it. But this does not mean the pink paint Chávez regime. Explain that Chavez is not a revolutionary without compass but a bourgeois nationalist, moreover formed by the army that his horizon is not the emancipation of humanity as its allies are not the proletarians and the poor masses of neighboring countries, but the heads of State, and he has no intention of either attacking the state apparatus or to expropriate large means of production.
Only in this way, by organizing themselves to share and establishing a rallying point for all the oppressed who seek a radical change, the working class and its allies can hope to break the grip of imperialism and the bourgeoisie national, and open a path towards the emancipation of all the peoples of Latin America.
0 comments:
Post a Comment