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http://blogs.mediapart.fr/blog/vincent-duclert/140211/l-avenir-s-ecrit-au-moyen-orient

The future is written in the Middle East
February 14, 2011 By Vincent Duclert
At special events, major lessons. The Egyptian revolution does not contradict the rule. Lessons learned are the first players themselves in this sudden acceleration of history. While Egypt seemed frozen, like many other countries in the Middle East but even more by this nation's place in the Arab world, in a final model of power and development where neither freedom nor prosperity were made, the possibility of peaceful change has been proven and popular. The Egyptians were given a future, so they should wait until then to change the decisions of the palace and the goodwill of Hosni Mubarak. The two or three million people who participated in the movement have shown that such a system was fallible and he even ended up being dangerous for those who embodied in their name. Personalization of the dictatorships of the Middle East, Ben Ali to Mubarak, Bouteflika to Bashar al-Assad, the ruler of Jordan to that of Morocco, suddenly turned into a weakness as it ultimately focuses on the leader while the rejection of a people against a regime. The departure of Ben Ali and Mubarak had become that of one of the primary goals of the protesters, a claim declined by many the most famous slogans, "Get out! . And there is no indication that what happened in Tunisia and Egypt will stop. Local dictators, authoritarian rulers, repressive regimes built or not mock election, concerns have to do. Including the side of the Islamist dictatorship of Iran and Gaza.

we have seen, one of the keys of the first two revolutions of the twenty-first century has resided in the role of the army whose neutrality has protected the movement as its leaders saw as legitimate. This is a considerable evolution since those countries, since their birth as independent nation-state in the latter twentieth century, relied on a military establishment remained the foundation of the system, leaders are usually derived from its ranks. The very fact that the army, Tunisia and Egypt, have considered that his interest was that of political change is an event in itself. In both countries, the U.S. pressures have certainly exerted on the military leaders to urge them to this choice, at least to discourage them from falling into repression in saving schemes in distress. The army, often fear though at a lower level than the police, has demonstrated its ability to avoid the worst, to deny the bloodbath as one might expect. The initiative of the revolution is not yet come of it, as in Portugal in 1974 during the "Carnation Revolution". But his major contribution to democratic progress must be reported. In Egypt, if we observe, following free elections and the establishment of a new regime, she will agree to resume the path of the barracks.

The U.S. pressure could not be exercised if the military had remained indifferent to developments that spoke or had decided to break them. The importance of the events, the determination of the demonstrators, weighed in the choice of the army not to stop the movement, and therefore the support of the boost accordingly. The Egyptian military could not ignore the almost unanimous rejection of power and Mubarak's name. They understood that we can establish a permanent regime, even very authoritarian, on a system of terror, violence and corruption as those who ruled, albeit differently, Tunisia and Egypt. How the millions of protesters in the street, online or simply in the head, defied the powers so structured and so powerful, holders of the use of force with the highest price, thinking, no doubt. The transition from fear, from one camp to another, was impressive. She was now with the all-powerful leaders trying pathetically save a power that no longer existed. It does not suddenly dominated most societies accustomed yet to undergo the ordinary repression of dissent individual and collective. The rejection by all means - including by desperate acts of sacrifice - of such a system which would combine political persecution and economic subjugation, although meant the beginning of hope. The will to live free in a free country was stronger than anything. Before such a determination, the concern was quickly felt in the state apparatus and the top of power.

It should be understood how in societies maintained in such a state of submission intellectual and material, the idea of freedom has grown, and on what basis, the processes of acculturation, especially among youth who have been spearheading the movement . The experience of freedom in the world of the Internet has certainly played. But it is a remarkable event, and a shock to the West, found that people treated conventionally to plans that could crush them decide their destiny, to assert their independence, saying their pride. The average opinion of our diplomacy, France particular, was based on ignorance of social and intellectual developments of the nations of the Middle East, and designing a legal regime, even oppressive, was still more legitimate, more predictable and desired that dissident forces and protesters, Sources democratization but also unknown. Diplomats can not possibly not become active supporters of causes protest in countries where they are delegated as representatives. But at least they can act as observers closer to the developments and become producers of information essential to the field of action public. Instead, we discover a ministry based its analysis on French media reports. ... There is a time long ago when journalists recognized the quality of diplomatic information, a time when the diplomats did not represent only the interests of their rulers but also their idea of the traditions of freedom of their country. Given this intellectual deficit crying, researchers are ever returned to their social role, one that is to deepen and disseminate this knowledge of Middle Eastern societies and criticize the poor systems of thought which dominate public performances and state policies [1].

It justified the timidity of French and European reactions by the fear that popular revolutions only lead to religious dictatorships. The risk must be considered Islamic, but also in its reality in its complexity [2]. For the fundamentalists, like the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, can not ignore now that suppression of the freedoms they take the initiative, once come to power, could turn into another victim of these new revolutions. And the experience of pluralism by militants or his supporters can also reduce the tendency to religious tyranny. It is a bet that the West should not dismiss. It does the rest, now, no other choice. He must trust the people of Tunisia, Egypt, soon Algerian, Moroccan, Syrian, in their ability to choose the path of civil peace, religious tolerance, protection of minorities. The unparalleled experience in Tunisia and Egypt, where generations, religions, social classes, have converged towards a common goal, that of an affirmation of freedom and a renunciation of fear, will profoundly marked the consciousness of people. This event will act as a foundation, as a national reference and a common value. Accounts will be required for future leaders, whatever they are. What will they have made revolutions in Cairo and Tunis?

The future has been written in countries that the West considered at best to build stability zones pretty much bogus, based on the submission of oppressed peoples. At worst, for a holiday or flying at the expense of dictators or their relatives - without understanding that there was, in these repeated practices of state, a problem bottom, a moral issue. The habit of private jets, receptions, luxurious palace life, it also departs substantially from the very idea that one can make personal behavior of leaders in a democracy has cost these govern the direction of political realities, and even the knowledge of a simple truth: that we learn by watching live decisively peoples, societies, the humble and ordinary people. The image of France has hit rock bottom, with the indignity of the highest state officials flying over the country without seeing or even imagine that the honor Peoples was played simultaneously in cities full of poverty, but also full of rebellion and dignity. We dreamed of a country, France, where we could design a little admiration for the actions of rulers. But it is doomed, at least until the next presidential election, with shame for practices where unconsciousness behavior competes with the paucity of thought.

Vincent Duclert

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